Employee Participation Essay Example for Free

Employee Participation Essay Of all the subjects controlled by the societal, public, and employment strategy set by the European Union (EU), the intrinsic worth of implementing worker participation in the administration of businesses on a wide extent has turned out to be highly contentious over the years. The stipulations put forward by the EU, for example, equivalent opportunities for employees as that of employers, operational or working timing, and unusual contracts, all of them, time and again, have triggered disagreements amid employers. Despite the fact that an increasing number of organizations are turning out to be of interest in employee participation as a possible measure for expanding labor efficiency and trimming down nonattendance, staff resignation rate, and rate of recurrence of industrial disagreements. Considered as the most hostile and invasive, is that kind of employee participation, which outwardly inflicts constrictions on the management’s perquisites or their privilege for that matter. Traditional executives dread, though, that due to the pressures on an employee participation system, grounding on their temporary, peculiar interests would, among other things, steer to too much wage upsurge. These could possibly lead to a decline of internal principal on hand for investing or capital spending in the short run and for moving the available capital out of the country in the long run. It is much unexpected that there has been very slight economic evaluation of the present familiarity with employee participation. The majority of researches have dealt with the topic entirely from a philosophical, historical, or sociological perspective. (Svejnar, pp. 1, n. d. ) Recently, employee participation has grown into a central point in labor-management discourse and a significant matter on the European political arena. (Raskin, n. p. , 1976) In certain countries systemized work force has been revealing an urge for involvement in management, as a way of democratizing the whole business systems and policies. Lately, though, this gravity has intensified, nonetheless, creating numerous problems, which are in fact, compounded by a number of reasons, one, and a very major, of which is the utter assortment of standing official and legal frameworks within the associate states of the EU. Various Systems followed by the EU Member States Considering the member states of the EU, the employee participation and representation at executive level, for instance, is obligatory in private corporations situated in Germany, Austria, Luxembourg, and most Scandinavian countries. On the other hand, countries like France and the Netherlands practice the ‘hybrid form’, while there are still others like Greece and Spain, which allow for this kind of system only in the communal or public sector. In contrast, countries such as, Italy, Belgium and the UK constitute no stipulation at all. (EIRO, pp. I-IV, 1998) The principles and conventions regulating works councils and coalition representation at workplace or sub-executive levels evenly complicated. In the Scandinavian countries, Italy, Ireland and the UK, there happens to be ‘single channels’ of representation via the joint associations. In case of ‘dual channel’ system of representation, the employees are spoken for by work councils, which function beside the unions. In countries like France and Belgium, the manager presides over the work council; however in the majority of other countries, for example Portugal, the Netherlands, and Germany, the work councils simply contain employee representatives. On the other hand, in Ireland and the UK, employee representation has conventionally been identified merely on a voluntary base, even though elsewhere it is regulated by established rules or communal agreements. Rationales The concepts of a ‘democratic organization’, ‘employee involvement and ‘employee participation’ have sustained arguments and disagreements. The degree to which the management is ready to let their employees to take part in matters concerning decisions about their lives at work is in fact one of the most complicated, vibrant debated features of employment relations as they have developed in technologically advanced countries. All concerned parties differ in their interests and viewpoints. In general, the managers suppose that the employees should be assimilated into organization’s frameworks to make certain that they realize the organization’s intentions, targets and objectives and can add into its success. Unions, on the other hand, may possibly be keen to hold out their impact over the management’s decision making to making sure that their own priorities, for example power over work patterns, or in cases when employment patterns are stable, are suitably met. System Followed by Germany The system of employee participation is developed and regulated by the German co-determination law. This law making has its origin in the Weimar Constitution of 1919, which, grounded on a social-democratic philosophy, created constraints on personal rights over possessions and took care for the social privileges and entitlement to life of its people. Under the Article No. 65 of the very Constitution, it was publicly stated that the waged working staff was to be granted correspondence with managers in settling with salaries and working circumstances and to be allowed a full opportunity to express opinions when deciding the overall economic advancement. The 1920 Works Councils Act specified that organizations with no less than twenty workers ought to set up a works council made up of representatives opted for at workplaces, which consult with the board on the carrying out of business objectives. Two years later, the directive was revised to allow works council representation of a couple of their members in directorial management of corresponding organizations and restricted involvement in the board’s decision making process. These were the fundamental developments that molded the base for co-determination law. Both the Weimar Constitution and the Works Council were done away with as the Nazi’s rule made its entrance. The directive, on the other hand, was revitalized in the shape of the Coal, Iron and Steel Industry Co-determination Act of 1951. The Act was originally designed for the coal and steel firms employing greater than a thousand employees but then later, in 1976, the Co-determination Act enfolding all large organizations was legislated and is presently in effect. In case of major and significant organizations, the present structure grants for an equal number of twenty representatives to in the same way be represented by stockholders and employees, with the stockholders decided on at the general stockholders’ meeting. The worker representatives include delegates from workers’ associations and those chosen from all the different levels of workers. The twofold technique of industrial relations in Germany has maintained collective bargaining and the ascertaining of salary and specifications, not together with the subject of participation for example information release, discussions, meetings and co-determination. Here the industrial relations system has been portrayed as ‘sanctioned, integrated, and cooperative’. Focusing on the effects of employee participatory system in Germany, regarding the wages, both in short and long-run, the representation is said to be quite a fruitful one, because it gives evident examples of several participatory systems from the post World War II events to the Co determination law of 1951, which provided employees with 50% representation on the executive boards. The very Act is also said to have created the rank of a labor director on the management panels of all corporations. Despite of the fact that the employee participatory and representative groups in Germany were considered as distinct from the trade unions and the process of wage determination, an uncertainty comes up that whether their effect on wages was in fact missing. In real, there happens to be a considerable connection between unions and the employee representative groups in relation to their workforce, their objectives and activities. But without any reason, it is said that the union and board representatives diverge substantially in their opinions as to the influence of employee participation and representation on wages. Having a unique system of employee participation in corporate management, the German corporate system is said to have some gain. The very advantage appears when it is about effectively testing out and verifying mistreatments by the management. The German corporate system is a twofold one, where the administrative management performs the role of corporate surveillance, whereas the executive board accountable for execution. Originally, the Co determination Act was envisioned to arbitrate the possible disagreements or conflicting interests between the employees and employers and was highly in the favor of workforce. Currently it has been moving on, assuming to an increased level, the function of managing the corporate administration. Although there is some disapproval regarding the fact that the legislation has mislaid its essence with reported circumstances where the board treated employee representatives, in a way to high officials accommodated for and by them, it stays to be a considerable extent to elevate the understanding of societal responsibilities and obligations amid corporate managers and their movements for public causes. (Otsuka, pp. 3, 2006) System followed in the UK In the UK, the whole world is observed through a prism of collective bargaining by unions, which has provided industrial relations with an argumentative placement. Contrasting with the ‘sanctioned, integrated, and cooperative’ industrial relations followed in Germany, the UK’s system is ‘voluntary, dispersed, and opposition-based’. (William, pp. V, 1988) However, such divergences haven’t been taken much into consideration by the Commission of the European Communities, when it is time for them to propose systems of employee participation. In the year 1970, the European company statute and the Fifth directive were founded widely on the basis of the German model but did not have much appeal for the UK. Moreover, amid the important factors, particularly governments, point of views regarding employee participation have gone through periods of interest and aggression. Taking successive UK governments as instances, the governments in the 1970s, both the Conservative and Labour, were normally in favour of the propositions included in the European company statute and the Fifth directive for employee participation and representation at management’s level. But on the other hand, in the 1980s and 1990s, the Conservative governments were unbendingly against all systems of employee participation, even though these situations were, as a minimum, partly looked over when the succeeding Labour government, in 1997, endorsed the social chapter, and in so doing established European Works Councils into the UK. (Gold, pp. 2 , n. d. ) If looked upon in the past, the Commission has been prosperous in achieving approval for the system of employee participation when it is connected with certain areas of industrial relations. According to the 1975 directive on collective redundancies, the employers are required to notify employee representatives concerning the particulars and to refer to them with a view to pursuing an agreement. Then there was an ‘acquired rights directive’ of 1977, after that, the ‘health and safety framework directive’ of 1989, which provided the employees the privilege to acquire information on threat considerations and safety measures. More recently, the statute adopted in 2004, provides employee representatives in the organizations included several rights to information and consultation without any bias. However, the implementation of all these employee rights has time and again, proved challenging in the UK, because the commandments put away the characterization of ‘employee representatives’ up to the state’s legislation. Under the critical environment of sinking union membership, and prior to the arrival of legislative stipulations for union recognition, leave alone worker representation, this has implied that managers frequently do not possess representatives to advise or consult. In 1994, the European Court of Justice, brought forward two litigations against the UK for failing to suitably implement the directives passed in 1975, and the transfer of responsibilities, instructed that it was mandatory for all the EU states to establish appropriate systems for assigning suitable employee representatives. In the UK, the Bullock Committee was established by the government to assess the matter of executive-level employee representation, but managers and several other officials of the labour movement proved intimidating, and the Conservative governments voted for during the course of 1980s and 1990s ruled out any possibility of lawmaking on the issue, as it has a need of an undisputed, common vote on the Council. Nonetheless, a Green Paper was published in 1975, by the Commission, to inspect the major disagreements provoked. The Social and Economic Committee along with the European Parliament both argued upon the topic in detail. To close, the Commission assumed an amended text, in 1953, on the draft Fifth which has not been withdrawn officially up till now. Conclusion In my opinion, keeping in mind all the aforementioned prospects of employee participation and representation, the UK should certainly respect all the directives passed by the EU and all other Unions formed in coalition with all the European states and should give up its present times general framework, under which representation only occurs through unions, and which leaves large gaps in stipulation in those organizations where union membership is vulnerable and sometimes even non-existent. It is necessary for the UK to revive itself from being isolated in the Council, and should bring about measures in order to mobilise its blocking minority. Following the German twofold system, which is better in every way, and also being successful in introducing European Works Councils, it has been foreseen and seen respectively, by the UK employers themselves that this has enhanced their effectiveness in granting a medium for information exchange

Jan Mikulicz-Radecki :: Biography

Introduction Despite the passage of over a hundred years from the death of Jan Mikulicz-Radecki, the student of Theodor Billroth (1829 – 1894), and the founder of the the Wroclaw school of surgery, his name quite frequently appeared in the first decade of the XXI century. It appeared in articles concerning the historical background of modern European surgery [1-5] and in researches relating to the modern treatment of chronic diseases, which are now cured within the confines of internal medicine, ophthalmology and dermatology [6-12]. What is more, a great importance of the achievements that Mikulicz made for the development of modern techniques in surgery of the gastrointestinal tract [13, 14] and the thyroid [15] is indicated. His contribution to the development of gastrointestinal endoscopic examination earned him a well-deserved title of the â€Å"father of surgical endoscopy† [16]. His contemporaries called Mikulicz â€Å"a king in the kingdom of Surgeons†. He obtained exc ellent results in surgical treatment of patients using innovative, for that times, aseptic techniques [17, 18]. The researchers of history of medicine are frequently lacking the fact of Mikilicz’s interdisciplinary attitude towards diagnosis and the treatment of patients. The impact on the shaping of this attitude had both; his professional training, which took place in Vienna under the tutelage of Billroth [19, 20], and his broad interests that extend far beyond the field of surgery, and even beyond medicine. A fact that should be emphasized is the establishment by Mikulicz and Bernhard Naunyn (1839-1925) [21, 23] of an interdisciplinary journal â€Å"Mitteilungenaus den Grenzgebieten der Medizinund Chirurgie†, which integrated surgery and internal medicine. Owing to Mikulicz’s broad research interests, his name is frequently mentioned in everyday clinical practice not only among contemporary surgeons but also by dermatologists. Mikulicz explained the pathogene sis of the rhinoscleroma and described the cells characteristic of this disease, which were later named after him [24, 25]. He also described a disease of the salivary and lacrimal glands of a noninflammatory character, which until now exists in the international medical nomenclature as Mikulicz disease [6, 11] not to be confused with the Sjà ¶gren’s syndrome [26]. He has also developed an innovative method for treating difficult to heal wounds and ulcers of the skin using preparations containing iodine and maÅ›ciÄ… lapisowÄ… with Peruvian balm [25]. This ointment (also called Mikulicz ointment) to this day is used in surgical practice and dermatology. Family and Education Jan Mikulicz-Radecki was born on May 16, 1850 in Czerniowce in Bukowina.

Diversity and Education According Essay

America’s student populations are increasingly reflective of an ethnically diverse society. However, we recognize that there are several major variables for improving the multicultural accommodation apparent in a school. Bruner and Vytgotsky lend this discussion some useful insight concerning such variables. Chief among them, the diversity of faculty, of learning content and of learning media all are directly relevant to the school’s embrace of difference. As the immigrant population continues not only to rise but to diversify in the United States, our educational system, and indeed, our nation has in many contexts attempted to enforce a degree of cultural uniformity inclined to either assimilate or exclude incoming cultures. Standardized testing, rigid curriculum design and poor representation amongst teachers and administrators of a diverse student population have all had the impact of white-washing American education. In the urban setting such as the case at hand, this can be especially problematic, with such failures of institution causing vulnerable students to disengage. Vytgotsky contributes an important idea to this discussion, referring us to the relevance of effective pedagogy in engaging such students. One of the best ways to accomplish this is through group activity. We have a core understanding of the fact that diversity implies not just a diversity of ethnicity or culture but also of potential learning styles or strategy. Vytgotsky offers an effective way to use this diversity to the advantage of the classroom. Group activity is always an effective way to help distill strategies and strengths for individuals. By strategically grouping students according to aptitude and academic strength, we enable stronger learners to directly engage weaker learners in a way that helps to effectively communicate concepts and ideas in play. Vytgotsky essentially contends that there is value to the less effective student of being partnered with a more skilled learner. This interaction can be beneficial to the aptitude of the former and can help the latter develop innate leadership skills. The focus of such legislation as No Child Left Behind does not leave a great deal of freedom or latitude for the urban school to engage in such activities however. There seems at present to be an impulse of standardization directly opposite the need for diversity celebration. Some of the root causes of the failure of our educational system to accommodate diversity as it cuts across multiple demographic lines are resultant of the instruments used to promote student aptitude measurements. (McCarty, 1) Primarily, the ability or interest of teachers to accommodate diversity is stunted by the entrenched presence of institutional prejudices that shape testing standards, curricular design and instructional method in a way that embraces standardization, legislative mandate and procedural uniformity. (McCarty, 1) One of the most heavily-recognized and persistent of such conflicts may be observed still today in the genuine lack of equality in the cultural standards applied to teaching African Americans. Particularly, there is a fundamental failure in the content choices which shape curricula such as those concerning literacy, history, policy and even the natural As part of a cyclical pattern which institutionally prevents our minority populations from being loosed of such a negative spiral, students beholden thereto are either locked into curricula which are given a financial short-shrift and are thus, armed with fewer qualified teachers, or are committed to districts where their cultural and ethnic perspectives are not being accounted for. This is a circumstance which regrettably continues today, with the current presidential administration’s No Child Left Behind initiative imposing further dependence upon the diagnostic testing and grade-evaluation policies which have long been an appendage of established educational patterns. The new education standards are given over to a â€Å"fundamentally punitive law that uses flawed standardized tests to label schools as failures and punish them with counterproductive sanctions. † (Neill, 1) This is also a sharp diversion in focus from that which Bruner argues is a priority for the diverse student bodies in our urban schools. The social impact of the educational experience is, according to Bruner, a fundamental aspect of its quality. The student’s engagement in class will often be a function of his socialization. This provides a firm rationale for the critique of diversity standards in our educational system. Indeed, there is an inherent danger by way of this administrative approach of the loss of pragmatism, which often incorrectly attributes the challenges related to diversity as products of learning deficiencies. This constitutes a fundamental disservice to the student and, it is worth asserting, basic intellectual prejudice which generally stigmatizing the future opportunities availed to those of ethnic minority or immigrant status. In Bruner’s understanding, the socialization of a diverse student body will actually promote learning rather than obstruct it. Therefore, as the ultimate resolution on the subject, our discussion inclines us to acknowledge as a basis of assumption that greater multicultural sensitivity is needed in the teaching of literacy, of the social sciences and of all disciplines on the individual level. Moreover, we resolve that both Bruner and Vytgotsky would find fault with the rigid and disruptive patterns of No Child Left Behind. Ultimately, the two provide theories which merge to suggest that diversity can be managed through flexible management of the classroom and educational experiences. Works Cited McCarty, Teresa. (2005). Language, Literacy and Power In Schooling. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Neill, Monty. (2003). Don’t Mourn, Organize! Rethinking Schools. Online at http://www. rethinkingschools. org/special_reports/bushplan/nclb181. shtml

My Overarching Philosophy Of Education - 898 Words

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